The Color of Compromise
The Truth about the
American Church’s
Complicity in Racism
by Jemar Tisby
Reviewed by
Geoffrey W. Sutton
“On July 4, 2016, as my social media feeds filled
with images of American flags and friends’ backyard barbecues celebrating
America’s independence, I took to Twitter and posted a picture [sic] seven African
Americans picking cotton in a field with the following caption: “My family on
July 4th 1776.” (From the forward by Lecrae, p. 9)
Few would disagree that American slavery was immoral.
As I examine The Color of Compromise
in July 2020, I am keenly aware that my lessons in American history were
whitewashed. And worse, I was never exposed to the degree to which the American
Christian church failed to address slavery and its legacy of racism.
Tisby tells the story of American anti-black racism
in 11 chapters arranged in chronological order. However, The Color of Compromise is not just the
story of racism; it is the story of what Christian leaders said and did that supported slavery and the post-slavery stereotypes, prejudices, and
acts of discrimination that persist in overt and covert ways to this day. As
Tisby says, racism is adaptive.
It is surely axiomatic by now that humans prefer
to hang out with people like themselves. As an immigrant family, we interacted
with other immigrant families as if we had a common bond. Strangely, I recently realized
that a substantial proportion of the people in my book study group were born
outside the US. We humans tend to like, help, and prefer those within our
groups. But that natural tendency is far different from creating an economic
system based on enslaving people with black skins. As Tisby writes in chapter
2, in the early years of colonial America “the colonists had not yet cemented skin
color as an essential feature of life in their communities. Race was still
being made (p. 26).”
In chapter 3, we are reminded that liberty was white
and not black after British North Americans fought against their countrymen for
liberty and justice for all. Africans fought on both sides but, as we know, the
thirteen United States would not deal with the matter of slavery. By the time
of the Civil War, Americans had built structures and economies based on slave
labor for over 300 years1. Following the War for Independence, Christian
revival meetings led by Methodists and Baptists won converts to these enthusiastic
and less formal worship styles. Tisby adds the story of two famous slave-holding
clergy to illustrate the support for slavery in the 1700s—George Whitfield and
Jonathan Edwards.
We learn more about the ugliness of chattel
slavery in chapter 4. Thus, American slaves were not just men or women working to
gain their freedom like servants could. Tisby quotes African American minister James
W. C. Pennington:
“The
being of slavery, its soul and its body, lives and moves in the chattel
principle, the property principle, the bill of sale principle: the cart whip,
starvation, and nakedness are its inevitable consequences.” (p. 60)
The Civil War (chapter 5) not only spilled the
nation’s blood, but it split the Methodists and Baptists too. In this context,
we learn how the church found a biblical basis to defend slavery.
In chapter 6, Tisby traces the rise of white
supremacy and the increasing oppression of black people through intimidation
and restrictions on important dimensions of life like voting. As the new century dawned, so did the promise of
Pentecostalism (chapter 7). Unfortunately, the Pentecostals became segregated like the rest
of society. The two world wars do not get much time in Tisby’s story. I suggest
they should as President Truman ended segregation in the military in 1948.
Unfortunately, the church did too little during
the 1950s and 60s (chapter 8). This is the era of Emmett Till and Rosa Parks,
the rise of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., and that North Carolina moderate, Rev.
Billy Graham. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 was a temporary high-water mark.
In chapter 9, Tisby reminds us of the rise of the Religious Right and the Moral Majority. For those who are not old enough, or who forgot,
Southern Baptist pastors supported abortion in some cases before the Row v.
Wade decision on abortion. Southern Baptist leader, W. A. Criswell’s view was:
“I
have always felt that it was only after a child was born and had life separate
from its mother . . . that it became an individual person.” He further
explained, “It has always, therefore, seemed to me that what is best for the
mother and for the future should be allowed.” (p. 181)
However, that view of abortion was about to change.
Desegregation moved forward. Segregationist Bob Jones University (BJU) admitted black
students, but mixed dating was prohibited. That race-based dating policy led to
a loss of tax-exempt status in 1976. The Moral Majority rose to power on a
platform of restoring Bible reading and Christian prayer to public schools and
the wedge issue of abortion. The movement strengthened as Falwell and his organization
blessed Ronald Reagan. Reagan spoke at BJU in 1980 and soon thereafter, their
tax-exempt status was restored. The marriage of evangelical Christianity to the Republican party and an antiabortion rallying cry remains strong.
Chapter 10 takes us through the end of the 1900s and into the 2000s. Promise Keepers promotes racial reconciliation and offers some
hope. Some Christian churches begin to diversify and in fact want to learn how
to improve diversity. But the religious-political rift is exposed as black people are killed
(Trayvon Martin, 2012). “Black Lives Matter” becomes a rallying cry only to be
slammed by Christians who recoil at organizational links to LGBTQ rights. Tisby explains there’s a difference between an organization and a movement, but I doubt this will undo the emotionally tagged mental connection between Black Lives Matter and traditional enemies of conservative Christian America. The chapter closes with a picture of a divided church and the 2016 presidential
election. Tisby reports the statistics-- 84% of Blacks voted for Clinton and especially noteworthy, 94% of black women.
In contrast, 81% of white evangelicals voted for the Republican ticket.
In chapter 11, Tisby evaluates American progress.
Although the external "whites only" signs are down, Blacks and Whites are
segregated in society, politics, and the church. He reminds us of differentials
in unemployment and incarceration. On page 195, Tisby responds to
questions of “What can I do?” We can increase our awareness through books and
videos and connect with Blacks and other minorities. And we can use our other
gifts or talents like writing and speaking to address issues of racial and
social justice. There’s more here, which makes the chapter a useful guide to
readers who have now developed their awareness of racism in US society.
Tisby concludes with a short essay on the importance
of being strong and courageous.
**********
I recommend The
Color of Compromise to all Americans and those who want to understand
racism in America.
The years of chattel slavery and the subsequent century of oppression
are unique among the world’s wealthy modern nations. The legacy of slavery has
resulted in decades of white control of the federal and many state governments,
wealthy multinational companies, political parties, and large church bodies. Tisby’s
book will further enlighten sensitive white Christians and has the potential to
energize some to act according to their gifts and resources. I do not think The
Color of Compromise will reach those who do not identify with the blatant
racism of the past or who are focused on the fetus and concomitant perceptions that
they are fighting a spiritual battle against socialists and Marxists intent on
destroying Christian America. I hope I am wrong.
The Color of Compromise is a Book and a Video Series
Watch Jemar Tisby's Trailer on YouTube
Note
1. Although Tisby gives the short story of slavery,
the first slaves entered Florida in 1539 where they built St Augustine, America’s
oldest city.
Worth Quoting from Tisby
“The failure of many Christians in the South and across the nation to decisively oppose the racism in their families, communities, and even in their own churches provided fertile soil for the seeds of hatred to grow. The refusal to act in the midst of injustice is itself an act of injustice. Indifference to oppression perpetuates oppression.”
“History demonstrates that racism never goes away; it just adapts.”
“Being complicit only requires a muted response in the face of injustice or uncritical support of the status quo.”
“there would be no black church without racism in the white church.”
“Another definition explains racism as prejudice plus power. It is not only personal bigotry toward someone of a different race that constitutes racism; rather, racism includes the imposition of bigoted ideas on groups of people.”
“Through the centuries, black people have become the most religious demographic in the United States. For instance, 83 percent of black people say they “believe in God with absolute certainty” compared to 59 percent of Hispanics and 61 percent of whites. Additionally, 75 percent of blacks say “religion is very important” to them compared to 59 percent of Hispanics and 49 percent of whites.”
“History and Scripture teaches us that there can be no reconciliation without repentance. There can be no repentance without confession. And there can be no confession without truth.”
About the author
Jemar Tisby is the author of the New York Times bestseller, The Color of Compromise, president and co-founder of The Witness: A Black Christian Collective, and co-host of the podcast, Pass The Mic. jemartisby.comAbout the reviewer
Geoffrey W. Sutton is an author and research psychologist with over 100 publications. His website is www.suttong.com
Cite this review (APA)
Sutton, G. W. (2020, July 3). The color of compromise: Racism in church. SuttonReviews. https://suttonreviews.suttong.com/2020/07/the-color-of-compromise.html
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